Democracy Gone Astray

Democracy, being a human construct, needs to be thought of as directionality rather than an object. As such, to understand it requires not so much a description of existing structures and/or other related phenomena but a declaration of intentionality.
This blog aims at creating labeled lists of published infringements of such intentionality, of points in time where democracy strays from its intended directionality. In addition to outright infringements, this blog also collects important contemporary information and/or discussions that impact our socio-political landscape.

All the posts here were published in the electronic media – main-stream as well as fringe, and maintain links to the original texts.

[NOTE: Due to changes I haven't caught on time in the blogging software, all of the 'Original Article' links were nullified between September 11, 2012 and December 11, 2012. My apologies.]

Monday, August 20, 2012

Environment Minister Kent’s claim that GHG emissions reductions result of government’s sector by sector approach ‘nonsense’

In presenting his latest report on greenhouse gas emissions, Environment Minister Peter Kent boasted of what he called “our government’s leadership,” claiming that Canada’s reductions were “the result of the Harper government’s realistic, sector by sector approach to greenhouse gas regulations that is reducing emissions, while continuing to create jobs and encouraging economic growth.”

This is nonsense. The Conservative government under Stephen Harper has shown a serious absence of leadership. Even its boast of adopting U.S. fuel efficiency standards for motor vehicles is a stretch since the auto industry’s move to more fuel-efficient vehicles in the U.S. means the same vehicles will be sold in Canada.

More importantly, the lion’s share of emission reductions in Canada so far are due to provincial policies—such as Ontario’s elimination of coal-fired electricity generation plants and aggressive shift to renewables such as solar and wind power, B.C.’s carbon tax, Quebec’s carbon levy and cap-and-trade, and provincial changes in building codes.

The National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy issued a franker message on Canada’s climate change efforts in June, when it concluded in a lengthy report that “despite making progress in reducing greenhouse gas emissions, Canada is not on track to achieving the federal government’s 2020 reduction target of 17 per cent below 2005 levels.”

Moreover, it warned, “Canada will not achieve its 2020 GHG emission reduction targets unless significant new, additional measures are taken. More will have to be done. No other conclusion is possible.” The government’s response has been to shut the National Roundtable down.

Canada’s commitment is to reduce total greenhouse gas emissions from 740 megatonnes a year in 2005 to 607 megatonnes by 2020, a 17 per cent reduction from the 2005 level. The level was 692 megatonnes in 2010. But based on existing policies, with rising oil sands production and economic growth, emissions in 2020 will climb to 720 megatonnes, leaving a huge gap in meeting the 2020 emissions target.

The biggest challenge is in the oil and gas sector. Kent has said the government will come up with a plan for the oil and gas industry but time is running out if it is to have any effect. As Environment Canada’s own emissions reduction report makes clear, the oil and gas industry is adding significantly to Canada’s emissions at the same time that the rest of the economy is stabilizing and reducing emissions.

The emissions report forecasts that gross oil sands production, for example, will increase from 1.1 million barrels a day in 2005 and 1.6 million barrels per day in 2010 to 3.3 million barrels per day by 2020. Alberta’s Energy Resources Conservation Board sees production of 3.7 million barrels per day by 2021. Absent government action, oil sands emissions would grow from 32 megatonnes in 2005 and 48 megatonnes in 2010 to 104 megatonnes in 2020.

The government’s problem is that it is committed to a rapid rate of expansion in the oil sands while at the same time claiming it will meet its climate change goals. But of the two, oil sands expansion has a higher priority. Success in meeting our climate change targets depends on the energy strategy we adopt.

While there is much federal—and provincial—discussion of a national energy strategy, stripped to its essence it is really a strategy to promote oil production. The main federal contribution so far has been to ease the regulatory process for oil and other resource companies seeking to push through projects, vociferously promote the Northern Gateway Pipeline to take oil sands oil to the B.C. coast for export and continue lobbying for U.S. approval of the Keystone Pipeline to take oil sands oil to Texas. There is even talk of taking oils sands oil to Canada’s east coast, presumably with a hefty taxpayer subsidy since the economics of the project are doubtful. Instead, it is promoted as a “national unity” project although the main beneficiaries would be oil companies and their largely foreign shareholders.

But a serious national energy strategy consistent with addressing climate change would make Canada a low carbon economy. This would not rule out oil sands development but would impose much tougher environmental standards while at the same time using a carbon tax or other approach to incentivize Canadians to pursue low carbon alternatives and invest more in energy conservation and efficiency while creating an environment for innovative entrepreneurs to develop new technologies (including better technologies for the oil sands).

As the National Roundtable argued in June, “a national target needs a concerted national policy behind it.” That is something we still lack today because the government would sooner sell oil than deal with climate change. Welcome to the Saudi Arabia of North America.

Original Article
Source: hill times
Author: DAVID CRANE

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